Khelsilem

A People United:

How the Squamish People Founded the Squamish Nation 

July 23rd, 2021 - Squamish Nation

The Amalgamation -- a legendary, almost mythical event -- is a powerful story in the hearts and minds of the past and present Squamish People. The idea of amalgamation was advanced as a solution to unique problems and ill feelings felt during a series of events in the early 1910s and 1920s. It endured through history with a mixture of theories on what took place. However, fortunately, significant documents were maintained by the former secretary of the Council of the Squamish, and the Council itself, all of which were detailed in the Kitsilano Court Case settled in 2003.

Section 17 of the Indian Act says the “The Minister may, whenever he considers it desirable, amalgamate bands that, by a vote of a majority of their electors, request to be amalgamated”. It was this short obscure section of the Indian Act that enabled one of the most significant political events in the history of the Squamish People, its territory, and the destiny for generations.

The amalgamation of Indian Reserve lands held by various bands of Squamish People was an idea advanced by the vast majority of the Squamish People. It was the subject of numerous meetings of Squamish and Sel̓íl̓wet people, with the final outcome being decided through a democratic process. This is a story where people put aside personal self-interest to benefit the common good and chart the destiny of their peoples.

What follows is a detailed account of the founding of the Squamish Nation in 1923.

The Squamish People 

To understand the story of how the Squamish Nation was formed, it is important to understand the social organization of the Squamish People prior to confederation. 

Prior to settler arrival, a Squamish family unit normally included a man, a woman, and their dependant children. This family unit would live with the man’s brothers, male cousins, and the in-laws of these brothers and cousins in a multi-family housing structure often called a longhouse. A Squamish community would be a collection of longhouses, each comprised of multiple family units. For example, a longhouse near present-day Lumberman’s Arch in Stanley Park was recorded at 60 meters long and near 20 meters wide, and housed eleven families for a total of around 100 people. The social organization within these longhouses was like a tree with each major branch being a kinship group of related family sub-units and a trunk of common ancestors for many of the various longhouses in a community.

There is evidence that some sites were owned by select high-status individuals, such as mountainsides for the prestigious skill of hunting mountain goats for highly prized mountain goat wool. Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy in their Land Use and Occupancy Report written at the request of the Squamish Nation recorded, “Only one fishing site is known to have been owned on the Squamish River -- this was the place called Ḵtin̓”. Louis Miranda of the Squamish People said this site was controlled by a man named Old Ned. However, it was said not all resources were owned and that all Squamish People could freely travel throughout the territory to various food gathering sites to gather their food where they could receive a share of their harvest.

Squamish People living in communities had dual residencies between the English Bay-False Creek-Burrard Inlet area and Squamish Valley areas. Families would summer in communities around the Vancouver area during harvest months and winter in communities in the Squamish Valley. There is detailed evidence that the connection between summer homes would be maintained by the large kinship group between two communities. These larger kinship groups often had a headman or siy̓ám̓. 

August Jack, a knowledgeable Squamish person recounted to Vancouver’s earliest archivist Major Matthews, “...no king; each man boss in his own family, but when they all get together—I don’t know how you put it in English—but he’s the best talker—not chairman, Indians have no chairman—but man who says most wise things.” There wasn’t a formal political structure, and the leaders called siy̓ám̓ were often respected elders of permanent villages. 

The role of who people regarded as siy̓ám̓ was fluid over time.  The earliest record of a recognized headman amongst the Squamish was a man named Xwepelḵínem from the Fort Langely Journals in 1827. However, a man named Ḵ’iyápalanexw, who had affiliations with both Squamish and Musqueam, was regarded as a highly respected siy̓ám̓ in 1858. In the same year, a Squamish man named X̱ats’alánexw (where the term Kitsilano derives) was regarded as a highly respected siy̓ám̓ too. Over generations, who was regarded as a siy̓ám̓ could transfer from a father to son or uncle to nephew, but more often this position was determined based on character traits. Being knowledgeable, wise, or generous were qualities that earned an individual the respect of their people enough to call them a siy̓ám̓.

A man known as Chepx̱ím̓ (George), born circa 1830, and regarded by his people as siy̓ám̓, lived in a community in False Creek called Sen̓áḵw. He also resided in the Ch’éḵch’eḵts community on the Squamish River. The people who regarded and recognized him as a siy̓ám̓ included people from the nearby downstream community of Yelhíxw and the nearby upstream community of Puy̓ám̓. For the summer harvesting months, these three communities lived together in the community of Sen̓áḵw. Indian Agent R. C. McDonald recorded a meeting held in Sen̓áḵw in 1904 that “Chief George says he does not want to sell the land because it belonged to his Grandfather… He didn’t want to leave this place where he was born and it is the place where his dead relatives are buried.” After Chepx̱ím̓ Siy̓ám̓ (Chief George) died in 1907, his sister’s son Kwenáx̱tn (Andrew) became regarded as a siy̓ám̓ amongst his people and Chief for the Indian Band of the people living at Sen̓áḵw.

This type of geographic social organization and connection to multiple places, as lands resided in and utilized by Squamish People, was replicated by multiple extended kinship groups who had summer communities at Jericho Beach, Kitsilano Beach, Hastings Sawmill, Seymour Creek, Mosquito Creek, Mckay Creek, Capilano River, and other locations, and would also have winter homeland counterparts in the Squamish Valley.

One thing was shared by all of the people living in these various kinship communities: a commonly spoken language called the Squamish Language. This language was distinct and mostly indecipherable from the common languages spoken by neighbouring Indigenous Peoples.

Lands Set Aside for the Use and Benefit of an Indian Band

Land that wasn’t demonstrably in use was claimed by the government as Crown lands. British Columbia’s Lands Act of 1874 restricted the acquisition of lands by Indigenous Peoples. Indigenous People were banned from pre-empting land or recording claims to unsurveyed land (unless an Indigenous person had permission from the Lieutenant Governor in Council). The government had no regard for Indigenous concepts of land ownership or land use. The government often assumed that because Indigenous Peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast had no agriculture, the land was not being used or had no owner. The British Columbia government allocated lands to Indigenous Peoples through the basis of their residence and the government’s determination of Indigenous Peoples’ needs,  not through any understanding of Indigenous People’s ways of being. Indigenous Peoples in British Columbia were often allocated ten acres per family of five (whereas in other parts of Canada Indigenous families could receive eighty acres per family of five). The Joint Commission on Indian Reserves in 1876-1877 allotted and confirmed reserve lands for Squamish People.

As the government allotted reserve lands, they also created Indian Bands for these reserves. Within these Bands, a chief had to be identified for purposes of interacting with the Federal Department, and lists of members for each Indian Band were informally maintained. Some of the reserves were resurveyed over years, as happened with the reserve lands at Xwmel̓ch’stn to accommodate the Province’s sale of the northwest corner of the reserve to the Boullion brothers. Allotment allocation was stopped in 1908 when the Province of British Columbia decided the allotments of reserve lands in British Columbia were too generous.

By 1915, as reserve boundaries were established and industrialization of Burrard Inlet continued, 85% of the 382 Squamish People were living in communities centred on the Burrard Inlet. At the same time, several men were identified as “chiefs” of communities located in the Squamish Valley, in positions that had been created through government creation of Indian Bands. Despite living in Squamish communities in Burrard Inlet, these chiefs maintained homes in their Squamish Valley communities. While some people continued to have homes in both places, the Province’s creation of Bands tied to single reserves eroded the established practice of alternating residency between the Inlet and the valley with the seasons. By the 1920s, the Squamish way of life with dual residency was broken for the vast majority of Squamish People.

 Motivations for Amalgamation

At the turn of the 20th century, political and business leaders in Vancouver called for the surrender of the reserve lands at Sen̓áḵw as well as other Squamish reserves in Burrard Inlet. Many viewed it as undesirable to maintain reserves in an urban environment that was on its way to becoming a major Canadian city. They also felt the reserve locations were desirable for industrial and residential development for non-Indigenous people living in the area. In the spring of 1901, in an exchange with the Vancouver Mayor concerning the City acquiring the reserve lands at Sen̓áḵw, Indian Agent Frank Devlin wrote that he supported the Mayor’s view that “owing to the growth of Vancouver, False Creek is anything but a suitable place for the Indians as they are too close to town.” 

In 1911, the federal government enacted the Oliver Act amending the Indian Act to allow the Crown to purchase urban Indian Reserves without the consent of the people belonging to those reserves. In 1912, Inspector Ditchburn wrote to Indian Agent Peter Bryne and said, “It is very probable that (Kitsilano Indian Reserve) and other Indian Reserves in the proximity of Vancouver will in the near future have to be surrendered”. In 1915, the North Vancouver City Council requested the McKenna-McBride Royal Commission that both the reserve lands at Xwmel̓ch’stn and Ch’ich’elx̱wí7ḵw “be sold or leased on favourable terms for industrial sites”. Throughout this time, the Province of British Columbia supported the call for the removal of the urban reserves, as was exemplified by the purchase of the Songhees reserve in present-day downtown Victoria in 1911. 

In this context, Squamish reserve lands were slowly being chipped away. In 1901, the Privy Council passed an Order In Council allowing a subsidiary of the Canadian Pacific Railway to purchase 7 acres of the reserve lands at Sen̓áḵw. Portions of the remaining land were leased out by the Federal government from 1901 till 1913 when the Province of B.C “purchased” what was left of the reserve, and moved all residents off the land. Similarly, in 1909, reserve lands allotted to Squamish People around the mouth of the Squamish River were sold to Howe Sound, Pemberton Valley, and Northern Railway. The reserve lands around Squamish Island (now downtown Squamish), and the reserve lands around St’á7mes and Kaw̓tín were also sold.

After the sale of the Kitsilano Indian Reserve in 1913, Inspector Ditchburn wrote to the Secretary of the Department and anticipated other Indian Reserves in Burrard Inlet would eventually be sold and surrendered. He said, 

“Having been informed while in Vancouver that Chief Mathias (Joe) of the Kapilano Reserve No 5 was negotiating with outside parties for the surrender of this reserve, which consists of 444 acres, I went to him and informed him that he must not deal with outsiders, and advised that as the Reserve Commissioners would be on the Coast very shortly, any matters pertaining to the sale of Indian lands should be made to the Commission. (Chief) Mathias informed that he has had several offers made to him for the sale (of) his reserve. Chief Harry of Mission Reserve No 1 at North Vancouver, also told me that outsiders had been endeavouring to negotiate with him for this reserve, but that he prefers to await the coming of the Commissioners. These chiefs fully realize that they will eventually have to move off the reserves close to the cities and move up to the Squamish River, where they have plenty of reserves, and I am of the opinion that no difficulty would be met within the matter of getting them to surrender their present reserves, providing they get a good value for the land”.

It was well documented before 1923 that many Squamish leaders were prepared to sell all or parts of the Squamish’s Indian Reserves around Vancouver, with exception of reserve lands at Eslhá7an (Mission Indian Reserve No 1). In 1915, Tl’ísela Siy̓ám̓ (Chief Mathias Joe) told the McKenna-McBride Commission that he would sell his reserve lands at Xwmel̓ch’stn and use the profits to establish his people on other Squamish reserves in the Howe Sound and Squamish Valley.

In 1922 and 1923,  four past and proposed transactions that were expected to generate substantial revenue became a controversy among the Squamish People. One was the sale of timber from the lands on the Cheakmus Indian Reserve in the Squamish Valley. The second was the large portions of Squamish’s Indian Reserves in the Squamish Valley to the Pacific Great Eastern Development Company. The third was the proposed sale of the reserve lands at Ch’ich’elx̱wí7ḵw (Seymour Creek Indian Reserve No 2) to the Burrard Bridge and Tunnel Company. The fourth was the 1915 expropriation of the reserve lands at Sen̓áḵw. All of these transactions, and the profits expected to be generated from them, became a concern for Squamish People.

Sales in other parts of the province impacted Squamish people’s perceptions about financial benefits that could be gained from selling their land. In 1911, large sums of money had been paid directly to members of the Songhees reserve in Victoria. This created an expectation among the various Indian Bands to which Squamish People belonged. Many believed they would receive large payouts if their reserves were sold. However, direct experiences with land sales left other Squamish people suspicious of the process. After the sale of the Kitsilano Indian Reserve for around $300,000 in [year], some members of that band received large amounts of cash while about fourty individuals were not paid for the sale. This group wrote to the Indian Affairs Department questioning the legality of the sale. The experience was said to contribute to later feelings in support of amalgamation in an effort to avoid a repeat of this event.

In the years after these transactions, controversies continued among the Squamish regarding profits from the sale of Squamish reserve lands and its commodities. In December 1922, Indian Agent Charles Perry reported that a number of Squamish People had complained to him that, in a previous sale of timber from the Cheakamus Indian Reserve No 11, the chiefs of that reserve had drawn up a pay list “in their own personal pleasure,” with the result that only a “limited number” of people from the Cheakamus Indian Band had received any cash payouts. In reference to the planned profit distribution, Andy Paull reportedly told the Indian Agent, “there would be a revolution and hard feelings amongst the Squamish Indians unless [the] present distribution [was] made equitable.” 

Prior to 1923, only the members of each Indian Band pocketed any of the profits from the transactions and this contributed to a feeling of unfairness and inequality. While the initial reserves were allotted for the use and benefit of the families who traditionally lived in that area, the increased industrialization near some (but not all) reserves set aside for Squamish People meant that some Squamish People would profit off land sales more than people from reserves that by happenstance were not near highly prized and developable areas. The unfair distribution of profits from reserves created resentment among many people and began the shift in how Squamish People viewed the Indian Reserves and how they should be managed.

Combining the substantial profits distributed to only a limited number of Squamish People in 1913 and 1915 with the Kitsilano and PGE Sale, and the pending distribution of profits from the timber sales from Cheakmus created the conditions among the Squamish People to call for a fairer and more equitable way to manage the lands set aside and belonging to the Squamish People. 

Andy Paull and the Call for Amalgamation

Andy Paull was a Squamish leader born in 1892. Brendan Edwards wrote about Paull that “At the age of fifteen, he was placed by his people with a city law firm, where he worked for four years, learning general legal procedures and gaining a special knowledge of the law as it applied to Aboriginal peoples”. Maise Hurley once told the media: “[Paull] could not become a lawyer without renouncing his aboriginal rights … But he had a marvellous mind. He could recite cases chapter and verse. He was considered the greatest authority on this continent on Indian aspects of the law. He would have been one of the country’s most brilliant criminal lawyers if he’d had a degree”. At the age of 21, around the time of the 1913 sale of the Kitsilano Indian Reserve, he began to play a larger role representing various Squamish People’s interests to  Canadian governments. Andy Paull fought to invalidate the sale of the Kitsilano Indian Reserve and during the McKenna-McBride Commission, acted as an interpreter. In 1915, he worked with Haida leader Peter Kelly, and Kwakwaka’wakw leader Bill Scow to establish one of the first lobby organizations of BC First Nations called the Allied Tribes of BC which fought for the recognition of Aboriginal title. 

Following the sale of the reserve lands at Sen̓áḵw, Andy Paull proposed a unification of the Squamish People with an elected Council of Chiefs, but it did not yet propose combining the reserves and finances under a single political and legal entity. In writing about Andy Paull in 1962, Palmer Patterson noted that “the arguments in favour of amalgamation are not extant, but we may speculate that some, probably Paull included, recognized the advantage of speaking with one voice.”

Andy Paull wrote the proposal for amalgamation on January 20th, 1913. In the document, thirty-five Squamish band members asked for an elected Council, stating, 

“...the Squamish band of Indians being desirous of advancing along (modern) lines in regard to the administration of our affairs in connection with our different reserves and the people living there on... hereby petition the department of Indian Affairs to grant us permission to elect a council to assist our present Government Chief Harry in dealing with the various effecting the Welfare of the members of our band”. 

A further proposal was developed two years later in 1915, in which fifty-eight Squamish People requested an amalgamation of reserve interests and finances. The proposal included the following text:

“Whereas we the undersigned Chiefs and members of each and every reserve of the Squamish Tribe of Indians, in assembly at (blank) on the (blank) day of (blank) 1915, and

Whereas in the event of any sale of any Squamish Indian Reserve compensation shall be divided equally between each man(,) woman and child, irrespective of age or occupation or position, on condition that the participants in the proceeds of such sale shall have established their qualifications to participate in any sale.

Whereas it is hereby further understood and agreed that compensations to individual houses, clearings and other improvements shall be derived and compensation be given to the owner of house and other improvements.

Whereas we the undersigned do hereby humbly petition and pray the Department of Indian Affairs to take such steps, or enact such laws, as will cause to bring into lawful effect, the above pledge agreement and resolution of we the undersigned, as we are hereby resolved to withdraw and annul all previous census to each and every reserve and that hereafter as a result of this resolution the members of the various reserves will be the legitimate members of each of every Squamish Indian as contained in the above resolution.”

Throughout the development of this proposal, Andy Paull communicated on behalf of Chief Harry, stating that the Chief wanted to establish a consensus among the Squamish People before the proposal was submitted. Minutes from a meeting during the development of the proposal included a series of statements by various Squamish leaders expressing approval for amalgamation and confidence in Andy Paull as their spokesperson for dealing with the government. Unfortunately, Chief Harry passed away in 1915 and the proposal was never sent to the Federal Department. 

Palmer Patterson notes that  Paull’s vision was to “...strengthen the hand of the Indians in his own community by giving them the opportunity for greater participation in their own affairs through the establishment of councils of broader membership than the Squamish sub-groups.” Six years later, Andy Paull raised the topic of amalgamation in a letter sent to Deputy Superintendent General Duncan Scott in November 1921. The letter states:

“Prior to the Kitsilano Reserve transaction it was the understanding among the Squamish Indians that each and every reserve was the property of the Tribe but now, in protest to the Kitsilano reserve, and following the (custom) of that deal, each reserve have their separate bands.

It is now the prayers of the Squamish Tribe that the old (custom) of every Squamish Reserve to be joint and common property of the Tribe, as was Prior to Kitsilano deal, and further any monies coming from Kitsilano reserve to be put to the credit of those Squamish Indians who have not received money from Kitsilano or the Stawamus deals…

Under the present system in the event of any sale would lead to a lot of discontent among the Indians and it is questionable what the results would be, because if each Indian looks back far enough, each Indian by (heritage) has an interest in each Squamish reserve. That discontent is evidently shown by the members of the tribe in the Kitsilano and Stawamus transactions”.

Andy Paull followed this with numerous letters to the Department in support of amalgamation. He wrote a letter to Inspector Ditchburn on November 17th, 1922 stating:

“It is the unanimous desire of the Skwawmish Tribe to have ownership of our reserves to the credit of the Squamish Indians, and I am instructed by the Skwawmesh tribe to represent them in establishing for the tribe, tribal ownership of the reserves, in the consolidation of our funds to the credit of the different bands and it is the further wish of the Tribe that you advise the Department of the decision of the Skwawmesh Tribe and to take such action as is necessary, in order that the wishes be granted and an established legal fact.”

Andy Paull urged the Department to consider amalgamation before any further lands were surrendered or any distributions were made. Andy Paull also stressed that any Squamish people who “received large sums of money” from the sale of reserve lands at Sen̓áḵw in 1913 or reserve lands at St’á7mes, Sḵwelwílem, Yeḵw’ápsem in 1915 would not receive any further distributions until all Squamish People received amounts that were equivalent.

The Six Meetings

It is often said the amalgamation discussions took “eight years” to complete, but it is clear from minutes from a number of mass meetings that took place in 1922 and 1923  that these two years were critical in the movement for an amalgamated Squamish Nation.

In April 1922, a number of chiefs and principal men of the Squamish People met in Squamish, British Columbia. The primary purpose of this meeting was to designate Andy Paull as the official spokesperson for the Squamish people in upcoming meetings with the federal Department in Ottawa. However, the minutes from this meeting also show that amalgamation was discussed and endorsed by a number of Chiefs. 

Kwenáx̱tn (Andrew), who became regarded as Chief for the Sen̓áḵw people and their reserve lands after the death of his uncle Chepx̱ím̓ Siy̓ám̓ (Chief George), was present at this meeting. He spoke profusely in favour of amalgamation and said, “I have spoken at a meeting in North Vancouver and at a meeting at Brackendale and each and every time I always said that I never did like to be a blockade toward amalgamation. So I said I was willing to relinquish all rights and claim to Kitsilano reserve providing that by doing so we would become amalgamated. And again on this day [I] still stand by my word”.

A second meeting was held on December 24th at the Cheakamus reserve. It was attended by 41 Squamish men over the age of 21 and by Indian Agent Perry. The topics of the meeting were amalgamation and the timber sale.  

A third meeting was held five days later in North Vancouver on the Mission Indian Reserve No 1. It was attended by 27 Squamish men over 21 and four chiefs from the Cheakamus reserve. At both the second and third meetings, no resolution was passed, but the topic of amalgamation was discussed.

A fourth meeting was held on January 10th, 1923 on the Mission Indian Reserve. The fourth meeting was attended by 48 Squamish men. A handwritten note on the minutes reveals that a vote was held on amalgamation, with 29 voting in favour and 18 voting against the resolution.

A fifth meeting was held on January 26th, 1923 on the Cheakamus reserve. The minutes reveal all 23 Squamish men present voted in favour of amalgamation and for distribution of the profits from the timber sale to all Squamish People. Indian Agent Perry was present and Andy Paull served as an interpreter. After the meeting, Andy Paull and Indian Agent Perry collected four additional votes in favour of amalgamation from Squamish People who were not present during the meeting. 

A sixth meeting was held on January 26th, 1923 at the Mission Indian Reserve. Before the meeting, Indian Agent Perry wrote to Chief George of Sel̓íl̓wet and Chief Jimmy Harry of the Seymour Indian Reserve No 2. He emphasized the importance of their involvement in the discussion around amalgamation. He also offered to arrange transportation for them to attend the meeting.

The minutes from this meeting say Agent Perry made an opening statement. Following this, nine chiefs and five headmen made speeches about amalgamation. Andrew Paull acted as interpreter. After the fifth meeting, 12 Squamish men who had not attended the fifth meeting wrote a letter to Agent Perry. They all recorded their votes as being in favour of amalgamation.

At the time of this sixth meeting, there were 119 eligible votes cast, with 78 in favour and 15 opposed. Of the 15 opposed, 13 were members of the Sel̓íl̓wet’s Indian Band. By the time this final vote was taken on January 26th, 1923, a majority of the Squamish People supported amalgamation.

The Sel̓íl̓wet Response to Amalgamation

The people from Sel̓íl̓wet are Indigenous People whose ancestors resided in villages in the Burrard Inlet, with famous historical residences at communities around present-day Belcarra Park and at the mouth of the Indian River in the Indian Arm. They spoke a variation of what is often known as Halkomelem (or Hunq’umin’um’ if speaking the downriver variation). James Point from Musqueam said Musqueam and Sel̓il̓wet “spoke the same language”, although August Jack from Squamish once remarked that the variation that Sel̓íl̓wet spoke was “like the Coquitlam -- a little different from Musqueam”.

The name Sel̓íl̓wetulh (meaning “belonging to Sel̓íl̓wet”) was regarded by numerous Squamish and Sel̓íl̓wet people, including Louis Miranda, Emma Joe, and Ambrosine George, as the name for the village at the mouth of the Indian River. The oldest written mention of the term Sel̓íl̓wet is in January 1862 when Father Fouquet visited “Selelouet” and recorded several baptisms there. 

Many Sel̓íl̓wet communities were devastated by diseases outbreaks in the 1780s, 1820s, and 1860s. One community particularly devastated was the village at Temtemíxwtn (Belcara). Ambrosine George, in an interview in 1983, said that all the people at Temtemíxwtn were “wiped out by smallpox” which may have happened “before white man came around” to the point where only one young man survived. The smallpox epidemic was so damaging to the Sel̓íl̓wet that the survivors requested help from people at Musqueam to dispose of all the bodies. The decline of the Sel̓íl̓wet population later led to many generations of Sel̓íl̓wet men marrying Squamish women who parented the children amongst the Sel̓íl̓wet. Ambrosine George said her grandfather James, born in the early 1870s, spoke “both Squamish and Musqueam”. She also said her father Chief George of Sel̓íl̓wet “only spoke Squamish” but understood “Musqueam”. However, in an interview in 1934, Chief George of Sel̓íl̓wet spoke about his people’s strong affiliation with the people at Musqueam.

The interconnected nature of the Squamish and Sel̓il̓wet families is further affirmed by payments received by Sel̓il̓wet men in 1910 and 1919 from sales of portions of the reserve lands at Eslhá7an. Chief George of Sel̓íl̓wet was on a pay list in 1910 and Chief George of Sel̓íl̓wet, Dan George, Joseph Thomas, and Aleck Gus were on pay lists in 1919. This meant that, prior to amalgamation, the men were on a band list for the Mission Indian Reserve (Squamish) as well as the Sel̓ilw̓et reserves. Furthermore, after amalgamation, Dan George, Aleck Gus, and Felix Thomas asked the Sel̓íl̓wet people to switch their membership and join the Squamish Nation. The request was denied at a Sel̓il̓wet meeting,   and the group decided to remain members of the Sel̓il̓wet’s Indian Band.

A number of Sel̓ílwet men attended the second and third meetings in 1922 and 1923 where amalgamation was discussed. During the fifth meeting, Chief George of Sel̓íl̓wet and his brother Denny Jim opposed amalgamating the two reserves allotted to the Sel̓íl̓wet with the Squamish People’s reserves. At the sixth meeting, minutes show that nine of fourteen eligible Sel̓íl̓wet men voted to oppose amalgamation. After this sixth meeting, a letter signed by all 14 Sel̓il̓wet men was sent to the Superintendent General expressing unanimous opposition to amalgamation. A portion of their letter read, “Our understanding is that if amalgamation should pass our Chief, as a leader, would be void of power. The majority would always rule”. The evidence points to a fear by the Sel̓il̓wet that they would be powerless to stop the sale of their reserve lands at Burrard Indian Reserve or Indian Arm if a majority of the Squamish chiefs wanted to sell. The Sel̓ílwet, in the words of Justice Simpson J, “... wanted to control their own destiny.”

The Text and Signatures

Right after the fifth meeting, the Squamish People presented a petition to the Department asking for amalgamation. It was signed by 76 Squamish People, including Andy Paull, and 13 chiefs. It asked for the consolidation of all the various Squamish People’s Indian Reserves, trust funds, and distributions for the benefit of the “whole” people. However, the petition did not mention a council of chiefs. 

Then during the sixth meeting, held on July 23rd, 1923, and attended by all recognized Squamish chiefs, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs Duncan Scott “approved” all resolutions from the meeting. This included the “Prayer of Amalgamation” petition, which was signed by seventy-six Squamish People, and by the Chiefs of the sixteen Indian Bands with Squamish People. The petition read:

Dr. Duncan C. Scott

Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs

Sir:

We the undersigned on behalf of the Squamish Indians beg leave to respectfully convey the prayer of the Squamish Indians for your consideration and approval.

In the preamble we take the liberty to acquaint you with the fact that the Squamish Nation of Indians have had numerous conversations for the past eight years the question of the amalgamation of the several bands of the tribe and after a series of meetings recently, during which we considered and digested the question of amalgamation and with a view of illuminating for all that to overcome any inequality or disagreement among the Squamish tribe, it was unanimously agreed by the members and Chiefs of the under mentioned reserves, that the amalgamation of the several is to the only solution for the good government of the tribe, which would have as an ultimate result the abolishment of ill feeling that has arisen in past transactions, and which we know will henceforce (sic) bring about a brotherly feeling among each and every member of the Squamish people. It has also been agreed that the several funds of the Squamish Indians held in trust for then by the government be consolidated into one fund and that any future disbursement of money be equally divided among the Squamish people.

With a view of properly conducting the affairs of the Squamish Indians we have unanimously agreed to have a council to transact the affairs of our people in co-operation with the Indian Department, said council to be composed of all the chiefs of the Squamish Nation of Indians, and we say that said council has met with the approval of every chief of the Squamish Indians and the people.

The above is true and sincere desire of the Squamish people for their future welfare, and we are thankful in having the honor of meeting you in person, to most sincerely pray that you approve of the amalgamation of the Squamish Indians, that the consolidation of funds.

We further and respectfully pray that you approve...and give due recognition of chiefs of the Squamish Indians to act as a council for the Squamish people, and we hope that any representations that the council may make in the future receive a sympathetic and attentive hearing from the government, and especially the Department of Indian Affairs to whom we look for protection, guidance, and assistance in the good government of our affairs.

That power be granted the council of chiefs to enact bylaws for the good government of the members.

It is the desire of the people that the superintendent general or his deputy would by his most generous consideration to such representation and recommendation as council of the tribe may from time to time make, having in view the improvement of development of any its reserves and expenditure of tribal funds for this purpose.  The council will give due regard to practice the economy and will endeavour to make restriction of foolish or extravagant nature.

We beg to say that the above are principles requirements of the Squamish people, and that we again say that we will ever pray for the amalgamation of the Squamish Indians and that consolidation of the funds, that in our opinion the only and proper manner of administering the affairs of our people is through a council of the chiefs in co-operation with the Department, and again pray that you give our council recognition, to this we ever pray, and then hereby affix our signatures and mark to certify that the above, on behalf of the Squamish Nation of Indians are humbly but respectfully,

• Gus Band

• Jacob Lewis his x mark

• Harvey Discon his x mark

• Julian August his x mark

• Old William his x mark

• George Jimmy his x mark

• Jim August his x mark

• Isaac Dick his x mark

• Joe Thomas his x mark

• Old Timothy his x mark

• Basil Charley his x mark

• Alfonse William his x mark

• Louie Lewis

• Harvey George his x mark

• Stanley Joseph

• George Tom

• Antone John

• Isaac Jacob

• Captain Jack

• Denny Mack

• Pan Jacob

• Jim Dick

• John Julian

• Isidor Pierre

• Napoleon Moody his x mark

• Harry Moody his x mark

• William Baker (X)

• Mack

• R. Baker

• Gabriel Moody his x mark

• Aleck Julian his x mark

• Thos. Johnston

• Denny Jack

• Louie Charley

• William Nahanee (X)

• Robert Baker his x mark

• Henry Baker

• Johnston

• Dan Paull his x mark

• Miranda

• Johnston

The Years Following Amalgamation

Following the July 1923 Petition, the sixteen Indian Bands, with a combined population of 412 members of the Squamish People, were united into one Squamish Nation on July 23rd, 1923. All properties, interests, and accounts held in trust were to be treated as belonging to a single entity of the Squamish People. Approximately $167,740 was consolidated into a single trust account for the newly formed Squamish Nation. A new Council was formed comprised of chiefs from the previous Indian Bands with approval from the Indian Affairs Department. In this first iteration, the Chiefs were not elected, nor were they entirely hereditary, however, they did hold positions for life. After the death of a Council member, succession was decided by the Council and the deceased member’s family. In 1932, new members of the Council began to be elected, but they too held their office for life, but they were not considered “chiefs” but Councillors.

The detailed record of the development of the amalgamation proposal shows the Squamish People at the time wanted, in priority sequence:

1. overcome any inequality or disagreement among the Squamish tribe;

2. that the several funds of the Squamish Indians held in trust be consolidated into one fund;

3. any future disbursement of money be equally divided among the Squamish people, and to

4. have a council to transact the affairs of our people.

And while the initial amalgamation proposal asked for the “council to be composed of all the chiefs of the Squamish Nation”, nine years later the Council partially abandoned that practice as vacancies occurred and they were filled with by men who were not chiefs but members of the Nation and called “councillors”. This practice continued without any formal regulations for 49 years until 1976 when members of the Squamish Nation voted at a community meeting of band members voted to create a fully elected Council on four-year terms to be chosen through election regulations approved by the band members. This didn’t happen until 1981 with the election of the first fully democratic Council of the Squamish Nation.

The amalgamation brought an era of unified leadership and shared prosperity for the Squamish People. Since the amalgamation in 1923, the population of the Squamish Nation has grown nearly 900%. While the Nation started with a trust account that would be worth $2.6 million in today’s dollars (accounting for inflation), the Squamish Nation reported in 2020 approx. $102 million in annual revenue with $29 million coming from the profit generated on leases from various Squamish Nation reserves and $10.5 million revenue generated from taxation on its commercial and residential tenants. Further, the Nation reported $102 million in cash and cash equivalents in 2020. In December 2019, the Squamish Nation announced its citizens approved commercial zoning and business terms for the largest Indigenous real estate development in North America of the reserve lands of Sen̓áḵw. The project, an estimated 6,000 units across eleven towers on 10.56 acres of land near downtown Vancouver, is expected to generate up to $10 billion dollars for the Squamish People over 99 years, with $188 million to be received by the Nation as a Community Amenity Contribution over the completion of four phases.

The amalgamation is what can be metaphorically called the Squamish Nation’s chíyax̱w -- a Squamish word for a container for arrows to be used with a bow -- a quiver that holds the Squamish People together, and at the same time, contains the arrows that guide, provide, and protect the Squamish People and their lands.

References:

Mathias v. Queen Decision by Justice Simpson J.

Land Use and Occupancy Report by Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy.

Aboriginal peoples and politics by Paul Tennant.

Andy Paull and the Canadian Indian Resurgence by Palmer E. Patterson.

An Act Respecting Indians (1922)

Editorial Note: The article uses the Squamish Language’s orthography for consistency in the spelling of names.